Irish Revolutionary War

Guerrilla war launched by the Irish Republican Army from 1919 to 1921
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synonym Anglo Irish War (Anglo Irish War) generally refers to the Irish Revolutionary War
The Irish Revolutionary War, also known as the Anglo Irish War, was a IRA stay Ireland Launched a guerrilla war against the British government's rule in Ireland. The war began on January 21, 1919, and ended with the armistice on July 11, 1921.
Name
Irish Revolutionary War
Time of occurrence
January 21, 1919 to July 11, 1921
Location
Ireland
Belligerents
Republic of Ireland; britain
Forces of the participating parties
IRA 15000
About 20000 people in the British Army and 9700 people in the Royal Irish Police Force
Casualties
550 dead in Ireland [1]
714 people died in Britain

War background

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Irish Revolutionary War Documents
For the pure Irish republicans, the Irish Revolutionary War started in 1916 Easter Uprising The declaration of the Republic of Ireland will begin. The republicans argued that the conflict between 1919 and 1921 (actually, it was later Irish Civil War )It's just a dispute over the existence or abolition of the Republic. More directly, the war originated from the independent Irish Parliament, which was established and unilaterally announced by most of the members of Parliament elected by Irish voters in the British Irish election in 1918. The first Irish Parliament and Irish Cabinet declared the independence of Ireland. Members of Congress thought of the request IRA As the "army of the Republic of Ireland" Governor of Ireland under Dublin Castle The British government's war.
On January 21, 1919, under the leadership of Dan Breen, the Republican Army volunteers killed two members of the Royal Irish Security Corps. stay Tipperary County Soloheadberg, the two refused to hand over the Gori Explosive Depository under their custody.
Although the parties are acting independently, this is widely recognized as the beginning of the War of Independence. Three days later, Tipperary County declared military control. On the same day as the shooting, Congress Dublin The town hall convened a meeting to approve the 1916 Declaration of Independence, issue a new declaration of independence, demand the withdrawal of British troops, and call on the "free countries in the world" to recognize the independence of Ireland.

War process

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The volunteer army began to attack British government property, launch surprise raids to obtain weapons and funds, and lock and kill senior British government officials. The first victim was John Millin, the Resident Magistrate, who arrested volunteer soldiers in the name of illegal assembly and training Mayo County Westport was shot. They imitated the successful tactics of the Boer people - the swift and violent attack of casual clothes. Although some republican leaders, such as Edmund de Valera, prefer traditional conventional warfare to make the new republic appear in the legal face of the world, they have more practical experience Michael Collins Oppose the tactics that led to the military fiasco of 1916 with the broader Republican leadership. At the beginning, the violence was very unpopular with the Irish people. However, after the British government's extensive atrocities, property destruction, arbitrary arrest and shooting without reason, the movement won the support of the majority of people. The activity started slowly, but in 1920, the spread of violence became dominant.
In early 1920, Dublin dock workers refused to load and unload any war materials, which was immediately responded by Irish Transport and the General Workers' Union, although hundreds of sacks were still loaded and unloaded. Irish train drivers refused to carry British troops, and then had to transfer train drivers from England to work.
March 1920 in the West Limerick For the first time, the Republican Army killed a man who acted as a spy. In early April, 400 abandoned military barracks of the security forces were burned to prevent them from being used again. Another hundred or so income tax bureaus were torched at the same time. A few days later, the prisoners in Montejoy prison began to go on hunger strike for political prisoners, leading to a large-scale solidarity demonstration in Dublin, and then a one-day general strike. In the chaos, all people were released, while the original plan was to release those who had not been convicted. A joint patrol consisting of a security team and highland light infantry opened fire on a crowd celebrating the release of prisoners at Milton Malbay, killing three volunteer soldiers and injuring nine others. The county magistrate accused nine soldiers and police officers of murder and signed arrest warrants, but did not take any military disciplinary action.
Outside Dublin, Cork It is probably the most intense battlefield. Many tactics used for the first time in Cork County became the standard of British troops all over Ireland, such as destroying property in retaliation for attacks by the Republican Army and murdering Republican leaders. In March 1920, Sinn Fein Party Cork Mayor Tom á s Mac Curtain was shot and killed by several masked men in front of his wife at home, and then was seen returning to the local police barracks. The "flying column" - a mobile unit composed of about 100 people, which can hide in the countryside after ambush - also appeared in Cork for the first time, and they are far more familiar with the terrain than British soldiers. Several regiments in the British army are famous for slaughtering unarmed prisoners, one of which is the Essex regiment.
Emon de Valera
Arthur Griffith estimated that in the first 18 months of the conflict, the British army raided 38720 houses, arrested 4982 suspects, carried out 1604 armed attacks, looted and destroyed 102 towns, and killed 77 unarmed republicans and other civilians. Griffith was responsible for the establishment of the "Congressional Court" to be parallel to the British system, but was eventually shelved with the enhancement of the IRA's moral authority and territorial control.
Throughout the conflict, the main goal of the Republican Army was the Royal Irish Police Force, a police force composed largely of Catholic Irish. The Republican Army regards it as the eyes and ears of the British government in Ireland. Members of the security forces and barracks (especially the isolated) are vulnerable to attack, and they are the source of weapons that the Republican Army needs very much. There are 9700 security guards stationed in 1500 barracks across Ireland. In April 1919, Congress announced the policy of exclusion of members of the security forces. This policy has proved to be successful in reducing the morale of the army in the course of the war. When the army becomes more and more complicit in the suppression of the government, the people will gradually move away from it. The resignation rate has been rising, and the number of recruits has declined significantly. Merchants and other owners refuse their services, and team members are often forced to buy food with guns. Some members of the security forces cooperated with the Republican Army out of fear or sympathy and provided valuable information about the organization. In 1919, 11 members of the security team and 4 Dublin Metropolitan Police died, and 20 members of the security team were injured. In 1920, 143 security guards died and 197 were injured. In 1921, 205 members of the security team died and 291 were injured. A total of 362 members of the security team died and 510 were injured in the war.

IRA

Michael Collins at the funeral of President Griffith
Michael Collins is the main driving force behind the independence movement. He is nominally the Minister of Finance in the Government of the Republic and the Director of Intelligence of the Republic Army, and is active in providing funds, weapons and official elections that are urgently needed by the units of the Republic Army. Collins' innate intelligence, organizational ability and spiritual motivation inspire everyone who has contacted him. He established a spy network that proved to be effective, consisting of the "G division" of the Dublin Metropolitan Police (DMP) and sympathizers in other important British government agencies. The Republican Army hated the members of Division G because they often participated in the search for British troops and Black and brown army Volunteer soldiers not yet known. Collins set up a "team" whose only task is to find and kill the members of Division G and other British spies and secret agents. It is a relatively small political branch of the DMP and has been active in undermining the republican movement. Collins began to attack intelligence officers of the security forces in 1919. The Republican Army agreed that many members of the G Branch chose to resign and leave Ireland, and some of them followed suit.
The Chief of the General Staff of the Republican Army is Richard Mulcahy, who is responsible for organizing and leading the Republican Army units throughout the country. In theory, Collins and Mulcahy are responsible to Cathal Brugha, the defense secretary of the Congress. But in fact, Brua is only responsible for recommending or opposing a certain action. Most of the matters are autonomous by the leadership of the local Republican Army, such as the guerrilla organizers Liam Lynch, Tom Barry, Sean Moylan, Sean MacEoin and Ernie O'Malley. Most of them act independently. Most of the Republican Army's conflicts are concentrated on Munster And Dublin, where there are only scattered active units of the Republican Army, such as Longfordshire And West Mayo County.
When the registered members of the Republican Army converted from the Irish Volunteer Army exceeded 100000, Michael Collins estimated that only about 15000 people actively participated in the Republican Army activities in the war, and about 3000 long-term activists. Another support group, the Irish Women's Corps and the Irish Youth Army, delivers weapons and intelligence to the Republican Army and guarantees its accommodation.
Irish symbol: Irish tricolor flag
The Republican Army enjoys broad support from the Irish people. They refused to provide information for the security corps and the British army, and often provided "safe houses" and materials for the Republican army troops who were "running away". The popularity of the Republican Army stems from the overreaction of British forces to the activities of the Republican Army. In 1919, in Fermoy, Cork, the British side began to implement an informal policy of revenge. 200 British soldiers robbed and burned the main commercial facilities in the city, and a British army was killed in the subsequent armed raid of the local Republican army. Actions like this Limerick (Limerick) and Balbrigan (Balbriggan) has been staged many times, making the local people more sympathetic to the Republican Army and the international community for Ireland's independence.
After several Republican raids in April, the Inland Revenue ceased to operate in most parts of Ireland. People were encouraged to pledge Collins' "national debt" to raise funds to support the new government and army. Alan Bell, the magistrate, was appointed by the British government to recover the money. By March 26, 1920, he had successfully checked more than 71000 pounds from the headquarters of Sinn Fein Party, and gained more from the investigation of national banks. But on the same day, he pulled out of the tram, and three shots hit his head and died. At the end of the year, the total amount of borrowings reached 357000 pounds. People still have to pay to the local council controlled by Sinn Fein members Rates Naturally, this paragraph will not be handed over to the British government.
Emon de Valera returned from the United States Irish Parliament Ask the Republican Army to stop surprise attacks and assassinations, and use conventional military means to deal with the British army, otherwise the British government will describe it as terrorism Groups. This unrealistic proposal was rejected immediately, but it showed that some leaders of Sinn Fein Party were out of touch with the reality of the war.

British reaction

Britain has responded more and more forcefully to the escalating violence in Ireland. Reluctant to deploy more British regular troops in the country, Britain has established two paramilitary police organizations to support the security corps. The "Black Brown Force" is used to support the weak security corps. More than 7000 people, mostly World War I British veterans who were later demobilized. It was first deployed in Ireland in March 1920, and most people came from England And Scotland Towns. Officially, they are part of the security corps. In fact, they are a paramilitary force. After its deployment in March 1920, the unit quickly became notorious for alcoholism and disorderly military discipline, which caused more damage to the moral authority of the British government in Ireland than any other group. In response to the actions of the Republican Army, in the summer of 1920, the Black Brown Army burned and looted a large number of towns throughout Ireland, including Balbrigan, Mise County Trim, Templemore, etc.
The symbol of British rule: Irish Governor's Flag
In July 1920, another paramilitary police force, a reserve consisting of 2214 former British army officers, arrived in Ireland. The reputation of the reserve force is as bad as that of the black and brown force due to its abuse of civilians, but it is often more efficient and willing to deal with the Republican Army. The retaliation policy involves public opinion condemnation, official denial and the will of the officer. Lord Hugh Cecil is widely known for his sarcasm: "It seems that there is no retaliation, but it is very effective.".
In August 1920, the British Parliament passed the Law on Restoring Order in Ireland and stopped issuing all arrest warrants, because a large part of arrest warrants were used for members of the Royal Army. They were replaced by the "Military Interrogation Tribunal". The bill was interpreted by historians as David Lloyd George They chose to suppress the Irish rebellion rather than negotiate with the republican leadership. As a result, the violence escalated steadily from summer to November 1920 and ended in July 1921.
The war between 1920 and 1921
On November 21, 1920, Collins's team killed 18 British agents (known as the "Cairo Gang") in different areas of Dublin. In retaliation, the reserve team drove to Korok Park (GAA football field in Dublin and Irish hockey field) where the football match was being held by truck and shot at the crowd. 14 unarmed civilians were shot dead and 65 injured. Later that day, two republican prisoners and a friend who had nothing to do but was arrested together were "shot dead while escaping from prison" (actually executed) in Dublin Castle. This day became known as Bloody Sunday. later Croke Park One of the stands inside was named Hogan Stand in memory of a Tipperary County player who was killed in the attack.
On November 28, 1920, just a week after the Bloody Sunday, the West Cork troops of the Republican Army, led by Tom Barry, ambushed a patrol of a reserve team in Kilmikel, Cork County, and 17 of the 18 people were killed. This action marks the beginning of a dramatic escalation of the conflict. The Cork County, Kerry County, Limerick County and Tipperary County in Munster Province were all under military control on December 10. Not long after that, in January 1921, the "official retaliation" action was approved by Britain Middleton (Midleton) 7 buildings were burned. In March, the Irish Parliament declared war on Britain.
Terence MacSwiney, the mayor of Cork, and two other Republican prisoners died in November in a hunger strike at London's Berxton prison. The jury hearing the death ruled that there was a murder plot against Lloyd George (British Prime Minister), District Inspector Swanzy and others. Swanch then County Antrim Of Lisbon Be killed. On December 11, 1920, the center of Cork was torched by the British army, and firefighters were prevented from fighting the fire in order to retaliate for the surprise attack of the Republican army on the city.
In the next eight months, until the armistice in July 1921, the rising death toll in the conflict sounded the alarm bell. From January to July 1920 alone, 1000 people died, including the police of the Security Force, British soldiers, volunteers of the Republican Army and civilians. This represents 70% of the casualties in the three years of the whole conflict. In addition, 4500 members of the Republican Army (and suspected sympathizers) were detained during this period.
On February 1, 1921, the first Republican Army was executed under the Military Control Law. Cornelius Murphy of Millstreet, Cork, was shot in Cork. On the 28th, six other people were also executed in Cork. A total of 14 volunteers were officially executed during the war.
On March 19, 1921, Tom Barry's 100 battle friendly Sikork Republic Army carried out a large-scale combat operation against 1200 British troops - Crossbarry Ambush. Bari's soldiers reluctantly kept themselves from being surrounded by the gathered British troops and caused 10-30 deaths in the other side. Only two days later, on March 21, the Republican Army of Kerry County attacked a train near Killarney at the Headford crossing, killing an estimated 20 British soldiers, and two other Republican soldiers and three civilians. Most of the operations in the war were small in scale, but the Republican Army had other gains in raids, such as in Mill Street Town in March 1921, and in Carowkennedy in Mayo County in May and June. However, the same number of raids failed. In the worst case, for example, in February 1921, Upton and Clonmult in Cork County, 5 and 12 Republican troops were killed and more were captured. The Republic Army of Mayo County suffered the same fate in Kilmeena. After such a failed ambush, the fear of informants often led to a large number of true or false informants being shot by the Republican Army.
Dublin Customs House, burned down by the Republican Army in 1921
However, the biggest single operation loss of the Republican Army occurred in Dublin. On May 25, 1921, hundreds of members of the Dublin Brigade of the Republican Army occupied and burned the customs building (the center of Irish local government) in the center of Dublin. This is a symbolic demonstration that the British rule in Ireland has been vulnerable. However, from a military point of view, it was a disastrous defeat, with five Republican troops killed and more than 80 captured. This shows that the Republican Army cannot compete with the British army in the traditional sense in terms of equipment and training. However, this did not weaken the Republican Army in Dublin, as sometimes claimed. The Dublin Brigade carried out 107 attacks in the city in May and 93 in July. The number has declined, but not by much. However, in July 1921, most Republican Army units began to lack weapons and ammunition for a long time. Moreover, the effectiveness of all their guerrilla warfare, as Richard Mulcahy recalled, "cannot drive the British army away from a place larger than an oversized police station".
Many military historians still concluded that the Republican Army had carried out a very successful and deadly guerrilla war, forcing the British government to conclude that the Republican Army could not be defeated militarily. But until the ceasefire agreement, many republican leaders, including Michael Collins, believed that if the war went on for a longer time, the battle of the republican army organized as at that time might tend to stop. Therefore, a plan was formulated to lead the war to Britain. And the Republican Army also expanded the front to Glasgow Street. Economic objectives, such as Liverpool The dock was decided to blow up. In November of the previous year, 19 warehouses were burned down by the Republican Army. The republican units responsible for such activities are more likely to escape, as there is no military control in England (nor will British public opinion accept it). These actions were abandoned after the ceasefire agreement was finalized.
The War in the Northeast from 1920 to 1922
In the Irish Government Act of 1920 (submitted in July 1920 and approved in December 1920), the British government tried to establish two autonomous parliaments in northern and southern Ireland respectively to resolve the conflict. The Irish Parliament ignored it and believed that the Republic of Ireland already existed, but the coalition in the northeast accepted it and was ready to establish its own government. The region is dominated by Protestants and unionists, so the pattern of violence is quite different from that in other parts of the country. In the south and west, the conflict between the Republican army and the British army began; But in the northeast, especially in Belfast, it often evolves into a sectarian violence cycle between Catholics who are mostly nationalists and Protestants who are almost all unionists.
In the summer of 1920, the war spread to the north
Although the attacks of the Republican Army are less frequent in the north-east than in other areas, the coalition community sees itself as surrounded by armed Catholic nationalists, who seem to have taken control of the rest of Ireland. So they retaliated against the northern Catholic community as a whole. Most of these actions were tacitly approved by the leaders of the coalition faction, and were supported by the British army. For example, James Craig wrote in 1920: "The grassroots of the royalists have decided to take action... They feel the situation is so desperate unless the government starts first. Maybe they can see what steps can be taken to" organize "revenge against the rebels more wisely."
The first round of attack and revenge broke out in the summer of 1920. On July 17, 1920, Gerard Smyth, a British colonel, was assassinated at the country club in Cork in retaliation for his speech encouraging members of the security forces to retaliate against civilians. Smith is from the north Tangjun His death led to retaliation against Catholics in Banbridge and Dromore. On July 21, 1920, the royalists marched to the Harland and Wolff Shipyards in Belfast, forcing 7000 Catholics and left-wing Protestants to stop working. Sectarian riots broke out in Belfast and Delhi, resulting in 40 deaths and a large number of Catholics and Protestants homeless. On August 22, 1920, Detective Swanch of the security team was leaving County Antrim Lisbon Was shot by members of the Cork County Republican Army. Swanch was accused by an investigation team of murdering Thomas McTian, the mayor of Cork. In retaliation, the local royalists burned the Catholic community of Lisbon. Although many people were accused of arson, no one tried to stop the attack at that time. Michael Collins organized a boycott of Belfast goods based on Sean MacEntee's suggestion as a response to attacks on the Catholic community. The Irish Parliament approved a partial boycott action on August 6, realizing a more comprehensive boycott at the end of 1920.
Spring 1921
After the suspension of violence in the New Year, the conflict worsened in the spring of 1921. The Northern Republican Army units received pressure from Dublin leaders to increase the number of attacks to keep pace with the rest of the country. It is conceivable that this move allowed the royalists to take revenge on Catholics. For example, in April 1921, the Republican Army in Belfast killed two members of the reserve team at Donegal Place in the center of Belfast. That night, two Catholics were killed on Falls Road. On July 10, 1921, the Republican Army attacked the British army in Raglan street, Belfast. The following week, in retaliation, 16 Catholics were killed and 216 Catholic families were burned. The royalist massacres were mainly carried out by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), and were suspected of being assisted by the police, the army and the reserve police force "Ulster Special Security Force" - "B-Specials". To make matters worse, Bt (founded in September 1920) mainly started from Ulster Recruitment in the Volunteer Army and the Orange Belt Party, according to the historian Michael Hopkins, is "equivalent to an officially recognized UVF". In May, James Craig came to Dublin to meet the British Governor of Ireland, Lord Ficharen, and was secretly sent by the Republican Army to Dublin to meet Edmund Devallah. The two leaders discussed the possibility of reaching a ceasefire and amnesty in Ulster. Craig suggested a compromise scheme based on the Irish government bill to achieve limited independence in the south and autonomy in the north on the basis of local autonomy. However, the talks did not produce any results, and the violence in the north continued.
In July 1922, Northern Ireland was born in bloodshed
After the ceasefire agreement of July 11, 1921, the conflict in the south was almost over, but the fighting in the north continued until the summer of 1922. In addition, although the Parliament accepted the Anglo Irish Treaty in January 1922, ensuring the existence of Northern Ireland in the future, there were still sporadic conflicts between the Republican Army and British troops on the new border since the first half of 1922. This partly reflects Michael Collins' view of the treaty, which is just a strategy or "stepping stone" rather than a final solution. In Derry County, a group of members of the Republican Army of the Monahangale football team who were traveling there were arrested. In retaliation, Michael Collins took 42 royalist members hostage in Fermanagh and Tyrone. Bt who went to rescue was ambushed in Clones in the south, and four people were killed. Although a border investigation mission was set up at the end of February to mediate, three British military camps were attacked by the Republican Army in March. All these actions were met with bloody retaliation in Belfast. winston churchill A meeting between Collins and James Craig was arranged on January 21, 1922. The southern boycott of Belfast goods was lifted, but it was repeated a few weeks later. The two leaders had several more in-depth meetings, but apart from the joint declaration of "declaration of peace" on March 30, the violence continued.
From April to June 1922, Collins launched a round of secret guerrilla offensive against Northern Ireland. At that time, the Republican Army had split on the issue of the Anglo Irish Treaty, but groups supporting and opposing the treaty took part in the action. The weapons that Britain sent to arm the new Irish Army were actually sent to Republican units, while their weapons were sent to the north. However, this offensive started with a series of attacks launched by the Republican Army in the north from May 17 to 19 proved to be a failure. On May 22, after the assassination of William Twadell, a coalition politician, 350 Republican troops were arrested in Belfast, paralyzing local organizations. The biggest conflict occurred in June, when the British army had to use artillery to expel a Republican army unit from Pettigo village. Seven people were killed, six injured and four arrested. This was the last large-scale confrontation between the Republican Army and the British Army between 1919-1922. The cycle of sectarian violence against civilians lasted until June 1922. On June 17, Frank Aiken's Republican army unit was in the south in retaliation for killing two Catholics Armagh Altnavigh killed six Protestant civilians.
Michael Collins believed that the British general Henry Hugh Wilson should be responsible for the attack on Catholics in the north, and assassinated him in 1922. This event unintentionally triggered Irish Civil War (Winston Churchill insisted afterwards Collins It is against the anti treaty republican army, which should be responsible for this matter. Ironically, the outbreak of the civil war in the south stopped the violence in the north. The war frustrated the morale of the Republican soldiers in the northeast and diverted the attention of the rest of the organization from the issue of division. After Collins died in 1922, the new Irish Free State The offensive policy towards Northern Ireland was quietly suspended.
In later Northern Ireland, 557 people died in political violence from July 1920 to July 1922. There are 303 Catholics (including members of the Republican Army), 172 Protestants, and 82 members of the Police Corps or the British Army. Belfast became the main battlefield, where 457 people died (267 Catholics and 185 Protestants). Catholic nationalists argued that the violence was a massacre of the Catholic community. Catholics (58%) accounted for the majority of the victims, out of proportion to 35% of the Catholic population in Northern Ireland.

propaganda war

propaganda war
Another feature of the war is the application of propaganda means by both sides. The British tried to describe the Republican Army as anti Protestant in order to encourage the royalists among Irish Protestants and win sympathy for the cruel tactics of the British army in Britain. For example, if the spies or collaborators killed by the Republican Army are Protestants, their religious beliefs are often mentioned in the bulletin, but if they are Catholics (which is more common), the opposite is true. This was used to give the impression at home and abroad that the Republican Army was killing Protestants. The authorities (often compulsorily) encourage newspaper editors to do the same. In the summer of 1921, a London magazine published a series of articles with the title "Ireland under the new terror - life under military control". This series claims to be neutral about the situation in Ireland, but compares the Republican Army with British forces in a very offensive manner. In fact, Ernest Dowdall, the author, is a member of the reserve team, and this series of articles is just one of many articles placed by the Dublin Castle Propaganda Department (established in 1920) to influence the public opinion that Britain is uneasy about the actions of its troops in Ireland.
In February 1921, two royalists were killed by the Republican Army in Enniskeane, Cork, because they were suspected of killing the Kofi brothers of the local Republican Army. Both were members of the local Anti Sinn F é in Society, and at least a dozen leaders of the Ulster Volunteer Army were killed in the following weeks.
The Roman Catholic Church criticized the violence on both sides, but especially for the republican army, in order to maintain the long-standing tradition of condemning the republic by force. The Bishop of Kilmore, Dr. Finnegan, said: "Any war... if it is just and lawful, it must be based on the hope of success. You are against strong British Empire What is the hope of success? No... not at all. And if it is illegal, every death is murder. " Dr. Gilmartin, Archbishop of Tuam, wrote a letter saying that the Republican soldiers who participated in the attack "violated the ceasefire agreement of God and committed murder". But in May 1921, the Pope Benedict XV Disappointed with the British government, he encouraged "the British and Irish sides to calmly consider... some form of agreement" in a letter, and the British side had been trying to make it issue a condemnation of the rebellion. Britain claimed that the Pope's comments "put His Majesty's Government on an equal footing with the Irish murderers' gang".
Desmond FitzGerald and Erskine Childers have been active in publishing the Irish News Bulletin, detailing government atrocities that Irish and British newspapers are unwilling or unable to reveal. The newspaper was secretly printed and distributed to all Irish and international news agencies, and to politicians in the United States, Europe and Britain who sympathized with the Republic.
Since the first half of 1920, when the war left most of Ireland out of control, the British army still showed no signs of withdrawing. But the success of Sinn Fein's propaganda war made the British authorities give up the option of escalating the conflict. British Cabinet It has never been invited to fight since 1919. In 1921, Winston Churchill, a member of the cabinet, reflected: "What is another choice? In the past, it was an iron fist to suppress a small corner of the empire. You come and go, and there are many corpses everywhere... Only when the country wants to protect itself can it forgive this strategy, and no rational person can assert that this is a problem of self-protection."

War outcome

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number of casualties

From 1920 to 1921, more than 1400 people died in guerrilla warfare between the Republican Army and British forces. There were 363 police officers, 261 British regular troops, 550 Republican Army volunteers (including 14 formally executed) and about 200 civilians. Other data give more figures. Another 557 people died in Northern Ireland, mostly civilians (453 in Belfast alone). The death toll in the south was counted separately among the casualties, because most people died after the signing of the ceasefire agreement on July 11 and the cessation of fighting in other parts of Ireland.

Anglo Irish Treaty

The commission signed by President de Varela in 1921
The war ended with a ceasefire agreement on July 11, 1921. In a sense, the conflict is deadlocked. The promising dialogue of the previous year vanished in December, and Lloyd George insisted that the Republican Army lay down its arms first and surrender. After the Prime Minister received Herbert Henry Asquith (Herbert Henry Asquith)、 Liberal Party the labor party After the opposition pressure with the British Federation of Trade Unions, a new dialogue was launched in the spring and a ceasefire agreement was concluded. From the perspective of the British government, it seems that the guerrilla warfare of the Republican Army will continue indefinitely, causing the increasing human and financial losses in Britain. More importantly, the British government is facing severe domestic and international condemnation for the British army's behavior in Ireland. On the other hand, the leaders of the Republican Army, especially Michael Collins, felt that the actions of the Republican Army at that time could not continue indefinitely. It is under greater pressure, more British regular troops are deployed to Ireland, and there is a shortage of weapons and ammunition.
The initial breakthrough in the ceasefire agreement should be attributed to three people: the King of England George V , South African Jan Smuts General and British Prime Minister Lloyd George. The king was dissatisfied with what the Black Brown Army had done in Ireland, which was well known in the government, and was not satisfied with the speech prepared in advance for the new Northern Ireland Parliament. The establishment of the Parliament was the result of the division of Ireland. Shi Mozi, a close friend of the king, suggested that he should take this opportunity to appeal for reconciliation in Ireland. The king asked him to draft his ideas on paper. Smozi prepared a draft and copied it to the king and Lloyd George. Lloyd George then invited Shi Morzi to a British cabinet consultation meeting to discuss an "interesting" proposal received by Lloyd George. Neither of them informed the cabinet that the author of the proposal was Shi Mozi. In the face of Shi Mozi, the king and the prime minister's approval, the ministers reluctantly accepted the "Irish Reconciliation" speech prepared by the king.
After the speech was delivered, it gained wide influence. At this time, Lloyd George signed an initiative to negotiate with Emon de Varela in July 1921. The Irish did not realize that the speech did not represent all the views of the British government, but was just a "peace operation" directed by the king, Smuts and Lloyd George, and the cabinet only reluctantly agreed. Ireland responded by agreeing to the peace talks. De Varela and Lloyd George finally agreed to a ceasefire agreement aimed at halting the fighting and creating a basis for detailed negotiations. The negotiations were postponed for several months because the British government insisted that the Republican Army lay down its arms first, but this demand was finally abandoned. Britain agreed that British troops should not leave the barracks. Most of the officers of the grass-roots Republican Army interpreted the ceasefire agreement as just an intermission of war and continued to recruit and train volunteers. Many leaders of the Republican Army still maintain a fighting posture, which is one of the main factors for the outbreak of the Irish Civil War. They refused to accept the Anglo Irish Treaty negotiated and signed between Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith and Britain. [2]
In the end, the peace negotiation became the precursor of the Anglo Irish Treaty (1921) negotiation, and then the treaty was ratified by three parties: the Irish Parliament in December 1921 (giving the Republic of Ireland the legal status in the political system), and the House of Commons in Southern Ireland in January 1922 (according to the British perspective, the constitutional legal status of the legitimate government of Ireland), And the approval of the upper and lower houses of the British Parliament.
The treaty allowed Northern Ireland, established under the Irish Government Act of 1920, to secede from the Commonwealth if it agreed, and Northern Ireland did achieve independence in due course under the listed procedures. The two sides agreed to establish an Irish Boundary Commission to determine the exact direction of the border between the Commonwealth and Northern Ireland. The Ethiopian negotiators understood that the Committee would redraw the border according to the local nationalism and the majority of the coalition areas. Irish local elections since 1920 have led to Vermana Tyrone , Delhi and many Armagh and Londonderry Its constituencies (all in the west and north of the "temporary" border) are completely nationalistic, which may make Northern Ireland unable to survive alone. But the committee chose to keep the border as it was; In exchange, Britain did not require the Free State to pay its debts.
The treaty established a new government system for the Irish Free State, although two governments coexisted in the first two years; An "Aireacht" is responsible to the Irish Parliament, led by President Griffith; Another interim government is nominally responsible to the House of Commons of Southern Ireland and appointed by the Governor of Ireland (the complexity of the situation can be seen from the following examples: Lord Ficharon appointed Collins as the head of the interim government. According to the British side, they asked Collins to "kiss his hand" when they met. According to the Irish side, they met to let Collins accept the surrender of Dublin Castle).
Most Irish independence movement leaders are willing to accept this compromise, at least temporarily, although many military republicans are not. A few of them participated in the Emon de Valera Led the civil war, refused to accept the treaty and began to rebel against the New Free State Government, accusing the latter of betraying Republic of Ireland The ideal of.

Irish Civil War

W. T. Kosgrave, the first head of the Commonwealth
The subsequent Irish Civil War lasted until the middle of 1923 and ended with the defeat of the anti treaty faction. The civil war killed many leaders of the independence movement, including Michael Collins, the head of the interim government, Cathal Brugha, the former minister, Harry Boland, the anti treaty Republican, Rory O'Connor, Liam Mellows, Liam Lynch and many others, The total casualties were several times more than those in the early days of the war against Britain. President Arthur Griffith also died. After Griffith and Collins died, W.T. Kosgrave became head of government. On December 6, 1922, after the establishment of the Irish Free State, W.T. Cosgrave became the chairman of the Irish Free State Executive Council, the first internationally recognized head of independent Irish government.
In his later years, as the President of the Republic of Ireland, when asked about the biggest political mistake he had made, Edmund de Valera replied: "I did not accept the (Anglo Irish) treaty.".

Commemoration for future generations

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A memorial hall called Dublin Memorial Garden was built in 1966, Easter Uprising Completed in Dublin on the 50th anniversary. The date of signing the Armistice Agreement was designated as the National Day of Remembrance to commemorate all Irish men and women who fought in the war.